In this analysis
Arguments about United Nations reform often sound procedural: how many permanent seats, which regions deserve representation, whether the veto should survive. Underneath those questions is a more basic struggle over whether institutions should preserve the distribution of power that existed when they were created or adapt as power moves.
Turkey and Russia now illustrate the divide neatly. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has argued for ending permanent membership and the veto. Moscow says the Security Council should expand its permanent membership but insists the veto remain. Both positions can be described as reform. They would produce very different systems.
Representation and privilege are different questions
Adding India, an African state, Brazil or other candidates could make the Council more representative without reducing the special authority of today's five permanent members. That is why expansion can attract support from governments that would resist deeper institutional change. It updates who sits at the table while preserving the architecture of hierarchy.
Abolishing or constraining the veto would do something more consequential. It would change the ability of the United States, China, Russia, France and Britain to prevent collective action against their preferences. For those states, the veto is not an historical ornament. It is one of the tangible benefits of remaining inside a multilateral institution that can otherwise produce decisions they oppose.
The paradox of institutional legitimacy
State & Power's assessment is that the Security Council faces a legitimacy problem with no clean institutional solution. A Council that reflects 1945 indefinitely looks less representative as economic and demographic power shifts. A Council that strips existing great powers of their veto risks becoming more democratic on paper but less capable of keeping those powers bound to its decisions.
The result is a recurring compromise: broaden representation while protecting privilege. That may look insufficient to reformers, but it also explains why institutional change advances slowly. The states with the legal power to approve reform are precisely those whose relative influence reform is meant to dilute.
What would count as meaningful reform
The useful test is not whether leaders agree that the UN should change. Almost everyone can support that sentence. Watch whether proposals specify new permanent members, whether those members receive veto rights, whether veto use is constrained in defined circumstances and how regional representation is allocated.
Those details reveal whether reform redistributes power or simply adds chairs around the existing hierarchy.